Some thoughts on 1962 Chinese aggression

By S Benjamin Nattar
October 20, 1962 India would never like to be reminded of except for the brave men who fought for their country and laid their precious lives. Fifty years have rolled on, definitely not a golden jubilee of any great event. Sadly, it was the day when the long cherished values of peace, ahimsa and satyagraha of the nation received a severe jolt. Yes, it was a day when the Chinese launched a massive attack on the western sector in Ladakh and in the eastern sector of NEFA (now Arunachal Pradesh). Indian Text books have described it as a massive attack as if ‘a locust had unleashed its fury on Indian borders’. By 25th October, the Chinese were about 16 miles of Mc Mohan Line (which the Chinese termed it as a colonial legacy never accepted by them). By mid November, they had crossed into the plains of Assam. The entire Ladakh region had been captured by them. Indian casualty was more than 5000 soldiers besides many taken as prisoners.

India had in the early years of Independence fought war against Pakistan. But the situation and the theatre were different. It was little more than a battle, fought against our estranged brethren over a legitimate cause for India. Both India and Pakistan knew their military capabilities. The war against Pakistan could never be termed as an aggression. The situation in 1962 was entirely different. By then, India under the first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru was massively involved in nation building process with a stress on much hyped planned development. Foreign policy based on peaceful co-existence, non-violence, mutual co-operation were meticulously framed by Nehru. He also played the role of leader of Third world Afro-Asian nations besides some other countries. The policy of Non-alignment became his lasting contribution to international relations. 1961 also was the year when the first Non Alignment Movement (NAM) summit was held successfully in Belgrade. It was the peak of Nehru’s glorious rule. India under Nehru believed that except for Pakistan on the issue of Kashmir, had and would never have enemy nation both in her neighbourhood and outside. It was clearly an example of Nehru’s idealism, his internationalism, never hoping that any nation would betray him. He failed to read the real politics played on India in the UN Security Council resolution on Kashmir in the early days of Independence. The Council conduct belied his trust on the objectivity of a world body where what mattered was power politics and cold war rivalry. Even then, instead of a rethink on his idealism, he was satisfied with USSR exercise of veto power on the UN Security Council resolution.

Keeping Pakistan at bay, Nehru was all out to woo the Chinese. His support to the entry of Communist China into UNO, acceptance of China’s claim over Tibet despite many reservations, his signing of Pancheel (Five Principles) with China regarding relationship with Tibet are proofs to befriend China. The ‘Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai’ slogan chanted on the visit of Chinese Premier Zhu Enlai to India in 1954 was another attempt to show Nehru’s cordiality towards the Chinese. China, however, was not much moved by all these hypes. India even ignored the Chinese highway in ‘Indian territory’. In spite of India’s soft attitude towards China, the way India handled the Tibet crisis completed overturned everything. Nehru as an idealist and pacifist had to provide asylum to Dalai Lama and his followers in 1959, despite officially recognizing Tibet as a part of China. This was taken by China as an enemy act and described India as an expansionist nation. In 1959 itself clashes between Chinese and Indian borders were reported. There were unproductive diplomatic exchanges, but not clashes. Nehru sent troops to eastern border in 1961, the year in which India invaded and annexed Portuguese Goa. China accused India of advancing even to the north of Mc Mohan Line. Isolated skirmishes reported along the border, but the Indians did not fear a massive attack which did happen on October 20, 1962. India went into the offensive, but it was a war between two unequal nations with different ideologies. The paramilitary forces stationed along the border together with Indian army, with obsolete weapons, vintage world war planes, no logistic support, happened to fall into the well planned attack of the Chinese army. Nehru’s idealism shattered, his policy of peaceful co-existence entered into with the Chinese was thrown to the winds by the latter. His NAM friends could offer no real help. US and Britan came to India’s aid but it was already too late. On 21st November, the Chinese unilaterally declared cease-fire, but not before staking their claim within 20 kms of Line of Control (LOC), in addition to Ladakh.

The Chinese aggression gave a shock to the whole of India and challenged the very foundations of the cherished values of Nehru. Himself fell sick and did not live long thereafter. It tainted the India’s image at home and in the international arena. It was nothing but a national humiliation. As a politician, he too passed the bug on others. His defense minister V.K. Krishna Menon and top military commanders had to resign. Foreign policy at least towards China needed a relook. A paradigm shift towards northeast had to happen.

India’s northeast policy underwent a change. Despite Naga struggle led by Angami Zaphu Phizo, India did not pay much attention to this region. For too long, northeastern region remained underdeveloped and isolate posing a challenge to national integration. Northeast began to get the attention of the policy makers at Delhi. Nehru’s statement, ‘my heart goes out to the people of Assam’ though a momentary outburst, was criticized for his disconnect with the region. Some proactive steps were taken. With the hope of bringing peace in the region, Nagaland was given statehood in 1963. Union Territories of Manipur and Tripura got the right to elect their own legislative assemblies. The move to make Nagaland state ahead of erstwhile princely states of Manipur and Tripura, left a void in the hearts of the people. Some groups of men took up arms not to demand statehood, but to gain back their sovereignty lost in the merger agreement. Governors of the states in the region continued to be men from security forces. Border roads were constructed all over northeast for easy movement of the army. Indian army joined the paramilitary forces in large numbers, giving the leeway for deploying them to contain internal law and order problems.

The ramifications of Chinese aggression were felt not just in the northeast which was the theatre of the war, but also in places as far as the South of the Vindhyas. Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) which had stood for a separate homeland of Dravida Nadu for the Dravidians of the South changed its goal. They realized that a truncated India would not be able to take on a mighty China. DMK though entered into electoral fray in 1954 but it was the Chinese aggression which forced them to completely give up separatism, but championing the cause of true federalism, regional autonomy and development of their language etc. This had ultimately changed the course of India’s party politics. A number of regional parties grew thereafter in different parts of India. In Tamil Nadu itself, DMK captured power in 1967, and since then neither the Congress nor any national party could come to power in the state. No one could imagine that Chinese aggression could be a cause in a remote place in India.

China today is a belligerent military power. China, not Pakistan remains a major threat to India. It is true that after 1962 China had not attacked or aggressed into India, but it has not agreed to any of India’s proposals to settle the long pending border dispute in spite of many rounds of talks. China has protested for according statehood to Arunachal Pradesh. China’s threat to India comes also in different other ways. Its aggressive economy, flooding India with cheap goods challenging India’s industry, its influence in Myanmar, its reported support to forces inimical India, its proximity to Pakistan and Sri Lanka and gaining military base, are real issues which India can never ignore. India has become nuclear state like China. War between the two countries becomes a remote possibility because of nuclear deterrence. Still the build up by China is more than that of India. China’s military might has a weakening impact on India’s economy as latter is forced to increase its military budget. In the final analysis, the Chinese aggression of 1962 fifty years ago, was not just a national humiliation or a hurt on India’s national pride or a blow to Nehru’s foreign policy, but it also had far reaching ramifications which at least India if not China had never anticipated.

The writer is Associate Professor, Manipur College, Imphal.

2-Nov-2012 / 01:29 AM / Sangai Articles / 1 Comments