The story behind Chahi Taret Khuntakpa Chapters of the past : Wisdom for the road ahead
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Hareshwar Goshwami (Writer & Political Activist)
Knowing yourself means knowing what you can do, and since nobody knows what they can do until he tries, the only clue to what man can do is what man has done. The value of history, then, is that it teaches us what man has done and thus what man is. - My Understanding of History
Upon the death of Meidingu Garibniwaz (Ma-yamba) in 1748, the throne passed to his son Chit Shai (1748–1752), born to his third queen, Gomati. However, Chit Shai’s reign was immediately overshadowed by controversy and violence. According to royal chronicles and oral traditions, he is remembered as a patricidal ruler by many, accused of being involved in the assassination of his own father—an act that not only violated deeply held filial and moral values but also severely undermined his legitimacy among the people and the nobility of Manipur. His perceived cruelty and unpopularity fuelled widespread resentment, leading to political instability within the kingdom.
In 1752, Chit Shai was deposed by his younger brother Bharat Shai (1752-1753), who ascended the throne with the support of influential court factions. However, Bharat Shai’s reign was equally short-lived. He was soon over- thrown by Goura- shyam, also known as Meidingu Maramba, the grandson of Garibniwaz through his eldest son Shyamsai and the first queen. Thus, during this turbulent period, the throne of Manipur became a centre of intense rivalry among royal princes, marked by shifting alliances, succession disputes, betrayal, and bloodshed.
Meidingu Gourashyam (1753-1759, 1761-1763) and the Sad Legacy of Garibniwaz The ascension of Gourashyam in 1753 appeared to restore a measure of legitimacy to the royal lineage. Unlike his immediate predecessors, he was a direct descendant of Garibniwaz through the first queen’s line, which gave him stronger dynastic support. Yet Gourashyam’s own life had been deeply marked by the violent political conflicts that preceded his reign. As a young prince, he witnessed the killing of his father, Shyamsai—a traumatic event that left a lasting psychological scar. According to tradition, he was so overwhelmed by grief that he attempted to end his life by jumping into the Chindwin (Ningthi) River, unable to bear the brutality of the royal struggles around him.
Though he survived and eventually ascended the throne, the internal divisions of the royal family remained unresolved. In an act combining spiritual duty and political symbolism, Ananta Shai, another son of Garibniwaz, performed the Sraddha (ancestral rites) for the murdered king on the banks of the Chindwin (Ningthi) River, expressing filial devotion amidst a fractured court. Meanwhile, Tolentomba, a courtier accused of involvement in Garibniwaz’s assassination, was executed by strangulation with a silken rope—a punishment traditionally associated with high-ranking individuals—reflecting both the seriousness of the crime and the ceremonial nature of royal justice.
The Rise of Alaungpaya and Khuntak Lanshi Ahanba (1758)
While Manipur was weakened by internal conflicts, a major transfor- mation was taking place in neighbouring Burma. The decline of the Toungoo Dynasty in 1752 led to the rise of the Konbaung Dynasty (1752-1885) under the leadership of Alaungpaya (Alaungmintaya), who rapidly consolidated Burmese power. In 1758, during the reign of King Gourashyam, Alaungpaya personally led a military expedition into Manipur. His forces advanced to Imphal with little resistance and found the capital deserted. According to the Royal Orders of Burma, Alaungpaya proclaimed the annexation of Manipur into his empire on 12 January 1758.
Although the Burmese occupation was brief, its consequences were devastating. Villages were destroyed, civilians were killed or captured, and thousands of Manipuris were deported to Burma. Many captured Manipuri cavalrymen were forced into the Burmese army, while Manipuri astrologers were taken to the Burmese court to serve as advisors. This tragedy is remembered in Manipuri history as “Khuntak Lanshi Ahanba” (the First Great Devastation), marking the beginning of direct Burmese interference in Manipur’s political affairs and the growing vulnerability of the kingdom.
Abdication of Gourashyam and Aftermath
Following the Burmese occupation of Manipur, Maharaja Gourashyam abdicated the throne in 1759 after sustaining a serious leg injury while returning from the campaign against the Burmese. He entrusted the kingdom to his younger brother, Meidingu Bheigya-chandra. However, Bhei- gyachandra soon relinquished the throne, accep- ting moral responsibility in accordance with the principles of dharma after one of his attendants killed a Brahmin ascetic.
Upon Gourashyam’s death in 1763, Bhei-gyachandra was restored to the throne. Around the same time, Ajit Shai, one of the sons of Meidingu Garib-niwaz who had taken refuge in Cachar, sought the assistance of the British through the King of Tripura to regain the throne of Manipur. On learning of this development, Bheigyachandra promptly deputed his vakil, Haridas Gosain, to meet Harry Verelst, Chief of the Chittagong Factory, who agreed to extend support to the king of Manipur.
Meidingu Bhei-gyachandra (1759-1761, 1763-1798) and Khuntak Lanshi Anisuba (1764)
Barely a year after his restoration, Meidingu Bhei-gyachandra faced one of the most severe crises of his reign. In 1764, the powerful Konbaung Dynasty of Burma, under the leadership of King Hsinbyushin (1763–1776), launched a massive military invasion of Manipur. The Burmese forces advanced into the Manipur Valley with overwhelming strength, devas- tating settlements, disrupting agricultural activities, and causing widespread suffering and displacement among the people. Though the Manipuri forces resisted with courage and determination, they were unable to withstand the strength of the invading army.
With resistance gradually collapsing, Meidingu Bhei-gyachandra, along with members of the royal family, was once again forced to leave his homeland. He sought refuge in the Ahom Kingdom of Assam, with which Manipur shared centuries-old connections through alliances, matrimonial ties, and cultural exchanges. This devastating invasion left a deep imprint on the collective memory of the Manipuri people and came to be remembered in oral traditions and historical accounts as the Khuntak Lanshi Anishuba — the Second Great Devastation.
Death of Bheigyachandra and the Resurgence of Fratricidal Conflicts
The demise of Meidingu Bheigyachandra in 1798 marked the end of a remarkable chapter in Manipur’s history—an era defined by spiritual revival, political consolidation, and skilful diplomacy with the British. His reign had brought a measure of stability to the kingdom and helped maintain unity among the va- rious royal factions. However, after his passing, the delicate balance he had created began to collapse, and the royal house once again gradually descended into internal conflicts and rivalries.
Upon the death of Meidingu Bheigyachandra, his eldest surviving son from Meitei Leima Khayoi-ron Akham Chanu Liklai Khombi, Loirenkhomba, popularly known as Laban-yachandra (1798-1800), ascended the throne. His brief reign, though marked by political instability, witnessed a significant military success when he repelled a Burmese invasion and recovered the strategically important Tamu region of the Kabo Valley.
However, his rule ended abruptly in 1800 when he was allegedly assassinated amid palace intrigues, further intensifying the internal conflicts of the Manipur royal house.
Following Labanya-chandra’s death, another son of Bheigyachandra, Tamlenkhomba, also known as Modhuchandra (1800-1803), became king. His reign, however, was short-lived and marked by renewed rivalry among the royal princes. His half-brother Chourjit Singh (Phalok Wairang Pamheiba) challenged his authority and eventually overthrew him in 1803. Modhuchandra was forced to flee to Cachar, a neighbouring region that frequently provided refuge to displaced Manipuri royals. Chourjit Singh, then only 27 years old, ascended the throne after defeating his rival, but his rise also reflected the continuing power struggle that would leave Manipur increasingly vulnerable to external interference.
Meidingu Chourjit Singh (1803-1813) and the Emergence of Marjit Singh Meidingu Chourjit Singh ascended the throne of Manipur at a time when royal kinship had transformed into intense rivalry and political intrigue. His reign was constantly threatened by conflicts within his own family, particularly from his ambitious half-brother Marjit Singh.
After an unsuccessful attempt to capture the throne, Marjit fled to Cachar and sought military assistance from Raja Krishna Chandra, but his appeal was rejected. Turning instead to the Burmese monarch Bodawpaya (1782-1819), who was expanding Burmese influence towards the western frontier, Marjit found a more favorable response. Although the Burmese court at Ava was initially hesitant to interfere in what appeared to be an internal dispute among the Manipuri princes, Marjit’s persistent appeals and his offer to surrender the strategically important Kabaw Valley in exchange for Burmese support eventually persuaded them to intervene. As historian N Joykumar Singh records, “He (Marjit) offered the Kabaw Valley to Burma in lieu of the throne of Manipur” (Joykumar, History of Manipur, 2001:7). This decision would later have far-reaching consequences for Mani- pur’s territorial integrity.
Meanwhile, king Chourjit Singh refused to submit to Burmese authority or appear before Bodaw- paya at Ava for negotiations. As Gangmumei Kabui observes, “A self-respecting king, as Chourajit Singh was, declined to come to Ava” (History of Manipur, p.4). With diplomacy failing, the Burmese extended their military support to Marjit Singh. In the ensuing campaign, Chourjit Singh was defeated and forced to flee once again to Cachar, leaving Manipur vulnerable to a new phase of external domination and internal instability.
Meidingu Marjit Singh (1813-1819) and the Burmese Suzerainty
With Burmese support, Marjit Singh (Nongpok Wairang Pamheiba) was installed on the throne of Manipur in 1813. However, his position was greatly weakened, as Manipur had effectively become a vassal state under the Burmese Empire. This subordinate status is reflected in the Royal Orders of Burma, which on March 8, 1818, recorded an instruction to the Maharaja of Manipur stating that certain territories were not under British authority and that the Burmese-appointed authority had the right to collect taxes there. The order clearly indicates that the Burmese court regarded the Manipuri king as a dependent ruler who was expected to obey Ava’s political and territorial commands.
After consolidating his power, however, king Marjit began to distance himself from Burmese control and sought to restore Manipur’s independence. He undertook symbolic acts of sovereignty, including the partial reconstruction of Kangla, the sacred royal citadel, where he erected the two mythical dragon-like statues known as Kangla Sha, which later became the emblem of Manipur. These actions were viewed by Ava as defiance and a violation of Marjit’s obligations as a vassal. The tension reached its peak after the death of Bodawpaya in 1819 and the accession of Bagyidaw (1819-1837). When Bagyi- daw summoned all subordinate rulers, including Marjit Singh, to attend his coronation at Ava, Marjit refused to appear, likely fearing imprisonment or humiliation.
(To be contd)
Knowing yourself means knowing what you can do, and since nobody knows what they can do until he tries, the only clue to what man can do is what man has done. The value of history, then, is that it teaches us what man has done and thus what man is. - My Understanding of History
Upon the death of Meidingu Garibniwaz (Ma-yamba) in 1748, the throne passed to his son Chit Shai (1748–1752), born to his third queen, Gomati. However, Chit Shai’s reign was immediately overshadowed by controversy and violence. According to royal chronicles and oral traditions, he is remembered as a patricidal ruler by many, accused of being involved in the assassination of his own father—an act that not only violated deeply held filial and moral values but also severely undermined his legitimacy among the people and the nobility of Manipur. His perceived cruelty and unpopularity fuelled widespread resentment, leading to political instability within the kingdom.
In 1752, Chit Shai was deposed by his younger brother Bharat Shai (1752-1753), who ascended the throne with the support of influential court factions. However, Bharat Shai’s reign was equally short-lived. He was soon over- thrown by Goura- shyam, also known as Meidingu Maramba, the grandson of Garibniwaz through his eldest son Shyamsai and the first queen. Thus, during this turbulent period, the throne of Manipur became a centre of intense rivalry among royal princes, marked by shifting alliances, succession disputes, betrayal, and bloodshed.
Meidingu Gourashyam (1753-1759, 1761-1763) and the Sad Legacy of Garibniwaz The ascension of Gourashyam in 1753 appeared to restore a measure of legitimacy to the royal lineage. Unlike his immediate predecessors, he was a direct descendant of Garibniwaz through the first queen’s line, which gave him stronger dynastic support. Yet Gourashyam’s own life had been deeply marked by the violent political conflicts that preceded his reign. As a young prince, he witnessed the killing of his father, Shyamsai—a traumatic event that left a lasting psychological scar. According to tradition, he was so overwhelmed by grief that he attempted to end his life by jumping into the Chindwin (Ningthi) River, unable to bear the brutality of the royal struggles around him.
Though he survived and eventually ascended the throne, the internal divisions of the royal family remained unresolved. In an act combining spiritual duty and political symbolism, Ananta Shai, another son of Garibniwaz, performed the Sraddha (ancestral rites) for the murdered king on the banks of the Chindwin (Ningthi) River, expressing filial devotion amidst a fractured court. Meanwhile, Tolentomba, a courtier accused of involvement in Garibniwaz’s assassination, was executed by strangulation with a silken rope—a punishment traditionally associated with high-ranking individuals—reflecting both the seriousness of the crime and the ceremonial nature of royal justice.
The Rise of Alaungpaya and Khuntak Lanshi Ahanba (1758)
While Manipur was weakened by internal conflicts, a major transfor- mation was taking place in neighbouring Burma. The decline of the Toungoo Dynasty in 1752 led to the rise of the Konbaung Dynasty (1752-1885) under the leadership of Alaungpaya (Alaungmintaya), who rapidly consolidated Burmese power. In 1758, during the reign of King Gourashyam, Alaungpaya personally led a military expedition into Manipur. His forces advanced to Imphal with little resistance and found the capital deserted. According to the Royal Orders of Burma, Alaungpaya proclaimed the annexation of Manipur into his empire on 12 January 1758.
Although the Burmese occupation was brief, its consequences were devastating. Villages were destroyed, civilians were killed or captured, and thousands of Manipuris were deported to Burma. Many captured Manipuri cavalrymen were forced into the Burmese army, while Manipuri astrologers were taken to the Burmese court to serve as advisors. This tragedy is remembered in Manipuri history as “Khuntak Lanshi Ahanba” (the First Great Devastation), marking the beginning of direct Burmese interference in Manipur’s political affairs and the growing vulnerability of the kingdom.
Abdication of Gourashyam and Aftermath
Following the Burmese occupation of Manipur, Maharaja Gourashyam abdicated the throne in 1759 after sustaining a serious leg injury while returning from the campaign against the Burmese. He entrusted the kingdom to his younger brother, Meidingu Bheigya-chandra. However, Bhei- gyachandra soon relinquished the throne, accep- ting moral responsibility in accordance with the principles of dharma after one of his attendants killed a Brahmin ascetic.
Upon Gourashyam’s death in 1763, Bhei-gyachandra was restored to the throne. Around the same time, Ajit Shai, one of the sons of Meidingu Garib-niwaz who had taken refuge in Cachar, sought the assistance of the British through the King of Tripura to regain the throne of Manipur. On learning of this development, Bheigyachandra promptly deputed his vakil, Haridas Gosain, to meet Harry Verelst, Chief of the Chittagong Factory, who agreed to extend support to the king of Manipur.
Meidingu Bhei-gyachandra (1759-1761, 1763-1798) and Khuntak Lanshi Anisuba (1764)
Barely a year after his restoration, Meidingu Bhei-gyachandra faced one of the most severe crises of his reign. In 1764, the powerful Konbaung Dynasty of Burma, under the leadership of King Hsinbyushin (1763–1776), launched a massive military invasion of Manipur. The Burmese forces advanced into the Manipur Valley with overwhelming strength, devas- tating settlements, disrupting agricultural activities, and causing widespread suffering and displacement among the people. Though the Manipuri forces resisted with courage and determination, they were unable to withstand the strength of the invading army.
With resistance gradually collapsing, Meidingu Bhei-gyachandra, along with members of the royal family, was once again forced to leave his homeland. He sought refuge in the Ahom Kingdom of Assam, with which Manipur shared centuries-old connections through alliances, matrimonial ties, and cultural exchanges. This devastating invasion left a deep imprint on the collective memory of the Manipuri people and came to be remembered in oral traditions and historical accounts as the Khuntak Lanshi Anishuba — the Second Great Devastation.
Death of Bheigyachandra and the Resurgence of Fratricidal Conflicts
The demise of Meidingu Bheigyachandra in 1798 marked the end of a remarkable chapter in Manipur’s history—an era defined by spiritual revival, political consolidation, and skilful diplomacy with the British. His reign had brought a measure of stability to the kingdom and helped maintain unity among the va- rious royal factions. However, after his passing, the delicate balance he had created began to collapse, and the royal house once again gradually descended into internal conflicts and rivalries.
Upon the death of Meidingu Bheigyachandra, his eldest surviving son from Meitei Leima Khayoi-ron Akham Chanu Liklai Khombi, Loirenkhomba, popularly known as Laban-yachandra (1798-1800), ascended the throne. His brief reign, though marked by political instability, witnessed a significant military success when he repelled a Burmese invasion and recovered the strategically important Tamu region of the Kabo Valley.
However, his rule ended abruptly in 1800 when he was allegedly assassinated amid palace intrigues, further intensifying the internal conflicts of the Manipur royal house.
Following Labanya-chandra’s death, another son of Bheigyachandra, Tamlenkhomba, also known as Modhuchandra (1800-1803), became king. His reign, however, was short-lived and marked by renewed rivalry among the royal princes. His half-brother Chourjit Singh (Phalok Wairang Pamheiba) challenged his authority and eventually overthrew him in 1803. Modhuchandra was forced to flee to Cachar, a neighbouring region that frequently provided refuge to displaced Manipuri royals. Chourjit Singh, then only 27 years old, ascended the throne after defeating his rival, but his rise also reflected the continuing power struggle that would leave Manipur increasingly vulnerable to external interference.
Meidingu Chourjit Singh (1803-1813) and the Emergence of Marjit Singh Meidingu Chourjit Singh ascended the throne of Manipur at a time when royal kinship had transformed into intense rivalry and political intrigue. His reign was constantly threatened by conflicts within his own family, particularly from his ambitious half-brother Marjit Singh.
After an unsuccessful attempt to capture the throne, Marjit fled to Cachar and sought military assistance from Raja Krishna Chandra, but his appeal was rejected. Turning instead to the Burmese monarch Bodawpaya (1782-1819), who was expanding Burmese influence towards the western frontier, Marjit found a more favorable response. Although the Burmese court at Ava was initially hesitant to interfere in what appeared to be an internal dispute among the Manipuri princes, Marjit’s persistent appeals and his offer to surrender the strategically important Kabaw Valley in exchange for Burmese support eventually persuaded them to intervene. As historian N Joykumar Singh records, “He (Marjit) offered the Kabaw Valley to Burma in lieu of the throne of Manipur” (Joykumar, History of Manipur, 2001:7). This decision would later have far-reaching consequences for Mani- pur’s territorial integrity.
Meanwhile, king Chourjit Singh refused to submit to Burmese authority or appear before Bodaw- paya at Ava for negotiations. As Gangmumei Kabui observes, “A self-respecting king, as Chourajit Singh was, declined to come to Ava” (History of Manipur, p.4). With diplomacy failing, the Burmese extended their military support to Marjit Singh. In the ensuing campaign, Chourjit Singh was defeated and forced to flee once again to Cachar, leaving Manipur vulnerable to a new phase of external domination and internal instability.
Meidingu Marjit Singh (1813-1819) and the Burmese Suzerainty
With Burmese support, Marjit Singh (Nongpok Wairang Pamheiba) was installed on the throne of Manipur in 1813. However, his position was greatly weakened, as Manipur had effectively become a vassal state under the Burmese Empire. This subordinate status is reflected in the Royal Orders of Burma, which on March 8, 1818, recorded an instruction to the Maharaja of Manipur stating that certain territories were not under British authority and that the Burmese-appointed authority had the right to collect taxes there. The order clearly indicates that the Burmese court regarded the Manipuri king as a dependent ruler who was expected to obey Ava’s political and territorial commands.
After consolidating his power, however, king Marjit began to distance himself from Burmese control and sought to restore Manipur’s independence. He undertook symbolic acts of sovereignty, including the partial reconstruction of Kangla, the sacred royal citadel, where he erected the two mythical dragon-like statues known as Kangla Sha, which later became the emblem of Manipur. These actions were viewed by Ava as defiance and a violation of Marjit’s obligations as a vassal. The tension reached its peak after the death of Bodawpaya in 1819 and the accession of Bagyidaw (1819-1837). When Bagyi- daw summoned all subordinate rulers, including Marjit Singh, to attend his coronation at Ava, Marjit refused to appear, likely fearing imprisonment or humiliation.
(To be contd)