The road to peace in Manipur travels through Myanmar's Chin province
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Jaideep Mazumdar
Contd from previous issue
“It is much better (for India) to have ties and deal with one group rather than multiple rival groups. Hence our Chief Minister took the very important step of bringing the Chin resistance groups together,” said Mizoram’s lone Rajya Sabha MP K Vanlalvena.
“The merger of the two primary Chin resistance groups has definitely strengthened the Chin resistance movement. And that improves the chances of Chin forces scoring a decisive victory over junta forces soon,” said the MHA official.
New Delhi has, say highly-placed sources, taken some “positive steps” to help the Chin resistance groups as well as the United League of Arakan.
Mizo MP’s mission in Myanmar
Vanlalvena crossed the Indo-Myanmar border on foot and went to headquarters of the Chinland Council and also ‘Camp Victoria’, an important base of the Chinland National Front Army (the armed wing of the Chinland Council) on February 27.
“I had informed the Governor (retired General VK Singh) and also the Assam Rifles about my plans before crossing the border. I met leaders of various Chin resistance groups and appealed to them to join the Indian Union,” Vanlalvena, who now plans to travel to the Rakhine State to meet leaders of the Arakan Army, told Swarajya.
The Rajya Sabha MP met senior leaders of the Chinland Council (which had merged with the other Chin group to form the Chin National Council a day before his visit) at Chinlung in Chin State.
He then met the Chin National Army’s top leaders at ‘Camp Victoria’. “I appealed to all of them to join the Indian Union since the interests of the Chin people would be better served if they become part of India,” said Vanlalvena.
“They (the Chinland Council and CNA leaders) are hesitant about joining the Indian Union (and making Chin State a part of India) since they are aligned with Myanmar’s National Unity Government (comprising anti-junta political parties). But some other Chin groups are open to the idea of joining the Indian Union,” the Rajya Sabha MP said.
He added that the leaders of the Chin Brotherhood Alliance (CBA), the armed wing of the Chin National Consultative Council, were “very receptive” to his suggestion that the Chin State become part of the Indian Union.
While officials of the MHA and MEA declined to comment on Vanlalvena’s visit to Chin State and his proposal to the Chin groups to join the Indian Union, a senior officer of the Intelligence Bureau (IB) told Swarajya that New Delhi had been kept informed of the entire ‘project’ which, he added, is “a work in progress”.
Vanlalvena, it is learnt, was a key person in New Delhi’s outreach to the Arakan Army. The Mizo National Front (MNF)--the political party that Vanlalvena belongs to--has very good ties with both the Chin resistance groups and the Arakan Army.
Union Home Minister Amit Shah, who visited Aizawl in mid-March, is learnt to have discussed these matters with Chief Minister Lalduhoma and MNF leaders. Significantly, Shah was accompanied by IB chief Tapan Deka in his visit to Mizoram.
Deka, a 1988 IPS officer who hails from Assam, sat in at the Union Home Minister’s meetings with Chief Minister Lalduhoma, MNF leaders and others in Aizawl. It is learnt that developments in Chin and Rakhine figured in a major way at these meetings.
Shah also promised leaders of the Young Mizo Association (YMA)--the largest and most influential civil society group in the State--that adequate assistance would be provided to Mizoram to provide relief to the 40,000-odd Chin people from Myanmar who have taken refuge in the State.
This is a marked departure from the Union Government’s earlier reluctance to provide such relief. Earlier this year, Shah had assured Lalduhoma that the Centre would no longer insist on deportation of Chin refugees till the situation in the Chin State normalised. The Union Government had, last year, asked Mizoram to deport the Myanmarese refugees.
What is also significant is that former army chief General VK Singh was posted as Governor of Mizoram in January this year when the merger agreement between the Chin groups was being negotiated by senior Mizo politicians.
“There is a lot at stake for India in Chin and Rakhine. It is very important for us to retain and strengthen our influence and standing with the Chin groups and the ULA (of Rakhine). We cannot afford to alienate anyone in Chin and Rakhine, not with China also planning moves in those two States of Myanmar,” the IB officer said.
That is why counterinsurgency operations seem unlikely against the Chin-Kuki militants in Manipur. "Even if strong-arm tactics are used against them, it will have serious consequences across the border and alienate the Chin groups,” he added.
Peace moves in Manipur
Given this, what lies ahead for Manipur ? MHA officials told Swarajya that once the conflict in Chin State comes to an end, the cadres of the Chin resistance groups would automatically return to their land.
“Chin refugees sheltered in Mizoram will also return to Chin State. And then we can leverage the goodwill we have earned to request leaders of the Chin National Council to use their influence and nudge the Kukis to soften their stance and agree to a reconciliation with the Meiteis,” said the IB officer.
Resolution of the conflict in Chin State with covert assistance from India will also sit well with political leaders of Mizoram.
The Union Government’s calculation is that Mizoram’s political leadership can then urge the Kuki organisations to drop their demand for a separate Kuki State carved out of Manipur and reconcile themselves to remain part of Manipur.
“Mizo leaders have a huge influence over Kuki groups and leaders of the Kuki community in Manipur. The Mizo political leadership and civil society groups can easily ask the Kukis to get into an agreement with the Meiteis and enter into a process of reconciliation,” the IB official added.
But for all this to happen, peace has to return to the Chin State that shares a 398 kilometre long border with southeastern Manipur. And given the current situation in Chin State, peace will return there only after Chin resistance groups score a decisive victory over the junta forces and ‘liberate’ the entire State from the junta’s control.
“Once that happens, the Chin militants sheltered in Manipur will return to Myanmar, the Chin refugees in Mizoram will also return to Myanmar. Chin leaders, as well as the political leadership in Mizoram, will be thankful for the positive role played by New Delhi in bringing about a resolution of the conflict in Chin. And that goodwill can, and will be, leveraged to put pressure on the Kukis to overcome their current animosity towards the Meiteis and settle for peaceful coexistence (with the Meiteis and also the Nagas). That will usher in lasting peace in Manipur,” a politician belonging to the Manipuri Naga community told Swarajya.
A senior Manipur police officer, who is an Additional DG, told Swarajya that the process has already started. “Meiteis and Kuki groups have started talking to each other formally under the aegis of the Union Government. Informal talks are also on between prominent and influential people and groups belonging to the two communities. Such dialogues are being held at multiple levels. All this is a harbinger for peace returning to Manipur”.
A resolution of the conflict in Chin State will also affect the neighbouring Sagaing region that borders eastern Manipur and Nagaland.
“Once the fighting ends in Chin with the Chin resistance fighters scoring a decisive victory over the junta forces, things will settle down in Sagaing province where the Chin groups also operate. And since many (Imphal) valley-based insurgent groups (Meitei insurgent groups) also have safe havens in Sagaing region, we will be able to neutralise those safe havens with help from Myanmar-based groups,” the MHA official said.
That will weaken the Meitei insurgent groups and ultimately force them to surrender or get neutralised. The neutralisation of the Meitei insurgency is another pre-requisite for lasting peace in Manipur.
Courtesy Swarajya
Contd from previous issue
“It is much better (for India) to have ties and deal with one group rather than multiple rival groups. Hence our Chief Minister took the very important step of bringing the Chin resistance groups together,” said Mizoram’s lone Rajya Sabha MP K Vanlalvena.
“The merger of the two primary Chin resistance groups has definitely strengthened the Chin resistance movement. And that improves the chances of Chin forces scoring a decisive victory over junta forces soon,” said the MHA official.
New Delhi has, say highly-placed sources, taken some “positive steps” to help the Chin resistance groups as well as the United League of Arakan.
Mizo MP’s mission in Myanmar
Vanlalvena crossed the Indo-Myanmar border on foot and went to headquarters of the Chinland Council and also ‘Camp Victoria’, an important base of the Chinland National Front Army (the armed wing of the Chinland Council) on February 27.
“I had informed the Governor (retired General VK Singh) and also the Assam Rifles about my plans before crossing the border. I met leaders of various Chin resistance groups and appealed to them to join the Indian Union,” Vanlalvena, who now plans to travel to the Rakhine State to meet leaders of the Arakan Army, told Swarajya.
The Rajya Sabha MP met senior leaders of the Chinland Council (which had merged with the other Chin group to form the Chin National Council a day before his visit) at Chinlung in Chin State.
He then met the Chin National Army’s top leaders at ‘Camp Victoria’. “I appealed to all of them to join the Indian Union since the interests of the Chin people would be better served if they become part of India,” said Vanlalvena.
“They (the Chinland Council and CNA leaders) are hesitant about joining the Indian Union (and making Chin State a part of India) since they are aligned with Myanmar’s National Unity Government (comprising anti-junta political parties). But some other Chin groups are open to the idea of joining the Indian Union,” the Rajya Sabha MP said.
He added that the leaders of the Chin Brotherhood Alliance (CBA), the armed wing of the Chin National Consultative Council, were “very receptive” to his suggestion that the Chin State become part of the Indian Union.
While officials of the MHA and MEA declined to comment on Vanlalvena’s visit to Chin State and his proposal to the Chin groups to join the Indian Union, a senior officer of the Intelligence Bureau (IB) told Swarajya that New Delhi had been kept informed of the entire ‘project’ which, he added, is “a work in progress”.
Vanlalvena, it is learnt, was a key person in New Delhi’s outreach to the Arakan Army. The Mizo National Front (MNF)--the political party that Vanlalvena belongs to--has very good ties with both the Chin resistance groups and the Arakan Army.
Union Home Minister Amit Shah, who visited Aizawl in mid-March, is learnt to have discussed these matters with Chief Minister Lalduhoma and MNF leaders. Significantly, Shah was accompanied by IB chief Tapan Deka in his visit to Mizoram.
Deka, a 1988 IPS officer who hails from Assam, sat in at the Union Home Minister’s meetings with Chief Minister Lalduhoma, MNF leaders and others in Aizawl. It is learnt that developments in Chin and Rakhine figured in a major way at these meetings.
Shah also promised leaders of the Young Mizo Association (YMA)--the largest and most influential civil society group in the State--that adequate assistance would be provided to Mizoram to provide relief to the 40,000-odd Chin people from Myanmar who have taken refuge in the State.
This is a marked departure from the Union Government’s earlier reluctance to provide such relief. Earlier this year, Shah had assured Lalduhoma that the Centre would no longer insist on deportation of Chin refugees till the situation in the Chin State normalised. The Union Government had, last year, asked Mizoram to deport the Myanmarese refugees.
What is also significant is that former army chief General VK Singh was posted as Governor of Mizoram in January this year when the merger agreement between the Chin groups was being negotiated by senior Mizo politicians.
“There is a lot at stake for India in Chin and Rakhine. It is very important for us to retain and strengthen our influence and standing with the Chin groups and the ULA (of Rakhine). We cannot afford to alienate anyone in Chin and Rakhine, not with China also planning moves in those two States of Myanmar,” the IB officer said.
That is why counterinsurgency operations seem unlikely against the Chin-Kuki militants in Manipur. "Even if strong-arm tactics are used against them, it will have serious consequences across the border and alienate the Chin groups,” he added.
Peace moves in Manipur
Given this, what lies ahead for Manipur ? MHA officials told Swarajya that once the conflict in Chin State comes to an end, the cadres of the Chin resistance groups would automatically return to their land.
“Chin refugees sheltered in Mizoram will also return to Chin State. And then we can leverage the goodwill we have earned to request leaders of the Chin National Council to use their influence and nudge the Kukis to soften their stance and agree to a reconciliation with the Meiteis,” said the IB officer.
Resolution of the conflict in Chin State with covert assistance from India will also sit well with political leaders of Mizoram.
The Union Government’s calculation is that Mizoram’s political leadership can then urge the Kuki organisations to drop their demand for a separate Kuki State carved out of Manipur and reconcile themselves to remain part of Manipur.
“Mizo leaders have a huge influence over Kuki groups and leaders of the Kuki community in Manipur. The Mizo political leadership and civil society groups can easily ask the Kukis to get into an agreement with the Meiteis and enter into a process of reconciliation,” the IB official added.
But for all this to happen, peace has to return to the Chin State that shares a 398 kilometre long border with southeastern Manipur. And given the current situation in Chin State, peace will return there only after Chin resistance groups score a decisive victory over the junta forces and ‘liberate’ the entire State from the junta’s control.
“Once that happens, the Chin militants sheltered in Manipur will return to Myanmar, the Chin refugees in Mizoram will also return to Myanmar. Chin leaders, as well as the political leadership in Mizoram, will be thankful for the positive role played by New Delhi in bringing about a resolution of the conflict in Chin. And that goodwill can, and will be, leveraged to put pressure on the Kukis to overcome their current animosity towards the Meiteis and settle for peaceful coexistence (with the Meiteis and also the Nagas). That will usher in lasting peace in Manipur,” a politician belonging to the Manipuri Naga community told Swarajya.
A senior Manipur police officer, who is an Additional DG, told Swarajya that the process has already started. “Meiteis and Kuki groups have started talking to each other formally under the aegis of the Union Government. Informal talks are also on between prominent and influential people and groups belonging to the two communities. Such dialogues are being held at multiple levels. All this is a harbinger for peace returning to Manipur”.
A resolution of the conflict in Chin State will also affect the neighbouring Sagaing region that borders eastern Manipur and Nagaland.
“Once the fighting ends in Chin with the Chin resistance fighters scoring a decisive victory over the junta forces, things will settle down in Sagaing province where the Chin groups also operate. And since many (Imphal) valley-based insurgent groups (Meitei insurgent groups) also have safe havens in Sagaing region, we will be able to neutralise those safe havens with help from Myanmar-based groups,” the MHA official said.
That will weaken the Meitei insurgent groups and ultimately force them to surrender or get neutralised. The neutralisation of the Meitei insurgency is another pre-requisite for lasting peace in Manipur.
Courtesy Swarajya